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LFTG Radio
Behind Prison Walls: How the DOJ Built a Conspiracy Against Me
From behind federal prison walls, Chuckie Taylor delivers a powerful and meticulously detailed account of what he describes as one of America's most troubling miscarriages of justice. With scholarly precision, Taylor breaks down the legal irregularities, political motivations, and constitutional violations that led to his unprecedented 97-year sentence in America's first-ever torture case.
Taylor's petition begins by unveiling startling political connections: his prosecution was allegedly pushed by former Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf through her relationship with President George W. Bush, evidenced by Laura Bush's attendance at Sirleaf's inauguration. The timing strategically coincided with mounting international pressure on the US to prosecute under its anti-torture statute following controversies surrounding enhanced interrogation techniques after 9/11.
The most compelling aspect of Taylor's argument centers on a fundamental legal contradiction. The anti-torture statute (18 USC 2340) specifically targets "public officials acting under color of law." Taylor explains this created an irreconcilable conflict: his indictment was built on his status as a US citizen, yet to qualify as a "public official" under the statute, he would have needed to be a Liberian citizen. This contradiction, he argues, represents an unconstitutional application that violated his Fifth Amendment rights.
Through court document citations and transcript references that listeners can independently verify, Taylor methodically deconstructs his trial. He reveals how the judge imposed restrictive protective orders that made defense investigation in post-war Liberia nearly impossible. Perhaps most disturbing are allegations that prosecutors shared defense witness lists with Liberian authorities, resulting in threats and violence against witnesses' families. Meanwhile, prosecution witnesses received substantial payments—$5,000 each, equivalent to three years' salary in Liberia.
Taylor's voice carries the weight of someone who has spent years studying law from inside prison walls, determined to understand how the system failed him. His petition isn't just a plea for personal justice, but a warning about how media manipulation, political convenience, and prosecutorial overreach can combine to deprive anyone of liberty. Without clemency or pardon intervention, Taylor states plainly, "I will die in prison."
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Hello LFTG audience. This is Chucky Taylor, also known as Gamayi Samel. I wanted to take the unprecedented step, based upon me asking for your support, to read to you the entirety of the petition, the entirety of the contents that I want to put in the petition. From there you'll be given a chance to ask any questions in relation to what I've stated, and it is my hope that, upon hearing these two parts, that you'll be able to join the call on the changeorg petition that will be created. A well-placed source in the Liberian government at the time relayed to individuals who were close to me years later, former President of Liberia Ellen Johnson Salif, pushed for my prosecution based upon her relationship with President George W Bush. Proof of this closeness was based upon Laura Bush attending the Liberian inauguration.
Speaker 1:In addition, there were confluence of factors that contributed to my prosecution. Number one at that time, US officials were under pressure by other Western allies to prosecute under 18 USC 2340 anti-torture statute, the legislation that was enacted to meet America's treaty obligation under the Convention Against Torture based upon the usage of enhanced interrogation techniques, ie waterboarding, by US security officials. At that time, Two human rights groups were pushing for action to be taken for prosecution under that statute as well. Three they sought a debrief from me based upon activities in Africa. The indictment was a way to create leverage, to force me or create the pressure to encourage me to become an informant.
Speaker 1:Two people came to see me after my initial arrest, One being named Frank Fountain, former CIA counsel, who also worked on the prosecution for Charles Taylor during the International Criminal Court case, and Madeline Morris, a professor at Duke University. Both of them relayed this truth to me. A professor at Duke University. Both of them relayed this truth to me. They warned me I'd be indicted or an indictment would occur without me debriefing. The prosecution from the beginning went outside DOJ guidelines, specifically Criminal Resource Manual no 20, which states Section 2340 of Title 18, United States Code prohibits torture committed by public officials under color of law against persons with public officials' custody or control. The jurisdictional section of the statute that I was indicted under, specifically 18 USC 2340, Section B1 and 2, requires for prosecution a person is a US national or found in the US. This call is from a federal prison.
Speaker 1:It was deceptive for the Department of Justice to approve the indictment based upon me being a US national. Only it required I be a public official. This indictment does not contain any language. I was a public official. For me to have been a public official, I could not have been a US citizen, but rather a Liberian citizen. The indictment was predicated upon me being a US citizen. Clear conflict.
Speaker 1:The indictment, on page 4 of 19, states defendant and others conspired to commit acts under the color of law. Again, no mention of public official. Further proof of this public official requirement is the congressional history of the statute it reveals. The statute was enacted to meet America's treaty obligation based upon the United Nations Treaty Convention Against Torture, which was designed to regulate the conduct and to hold account officials of various governments, as only countries and or nations can be members of the United Nations. My commentary there was an unconstitutional application of the statute, violating my rights under the Fifth Amendment back in 2006. A brief history for this audience. Two people that played a role in crafting this unethical, unlawful and fraudulent indictment were, one, alex Fisher and two, alex Acosta. Both were part of the group that provided legal cover for the waterboarding during 9-11, which was called the Bybee Memos or the Torture Memos. Alexander Acosta would later be demoted to the United States Attorney's Office where I was indicted. During that same time him as United States Attorney in the Southern District of Florida, he approved my legal indictment. He provided Jeffrey Epstein a sweetheart deal by not indicting him federally, which led to him continuing his sex trafficking crimes. President Trump later fired Alex Acosta after the revelations came out during his first administration. My case was prosecuted in that Southern District because he was a United States attorney. At that time, the Southern District of Florida United States Attorney's Office had the highest rates of prosecutorial misconduct. This is a fact that can be independently corroborated. The judge appointed was nominated by George W Bush, who had honored the request by the Liberian president based upon all interests the Texas-based company was pursuing in Liberia at that time.
Speaker 1:Pre-trial During the pre-trial phase, which was the preparation for trial, the judge placed some highly restrictive protective orders on Brady material. Now for the audience. Brady material is exculpatory evidence, so evidence that you can use based upon what the government plans on using to prosecute his case, making it impossible for the defense to investigate in Liberia. In fact, the defense team made only one, maybe two trips to Liberia to investigate a case that went to trial six years after indictment. In a country wracked by civil war, with massive internally displaced people and tens of thousands who had not returned to Liberia after the Civil War. We could not use the victims' names to investigate in any particular way Trial During the trial phase of the proceeding we weren't aware. We assumed that the government would have been able to prove the conspiracy to commit torture count, which was the heart of the indictment. They did not.
Speaker 1:I was placed in a one-man conspiracy, which is the heart of the indictment. Conspiracy requires two or more. The allegation was Liberian government officials and I conspired, those being President Charles Taylor, security Director Benjamin Yeten, natu-based Commandant David Campari. None are indictable according to the jurisdictional part of the statute 18 USC 2340, b1 and 2. I repeat none are indictable according to the jurisdictional part of the statute, which requires you are a US national or found in the United States. I was indicted three times under this bogus conspiracy, which means I had superseding indictments with the government expanding the conspiracy allegations every time.
Speaker 1:Now for listeners any time evidence is entered in trial it needs to be entered under a court rule. All evidence at trial needs to be entered under this standard. To enter evidence that related to any conspiracy, it needs to be entered under 801-D2E, which is what is called co-conspirator testimony. No evidence was ever entered under 801-D2E. Again, the co-conspirators were never in the United States to testify, not that President Charles Taylor, security Director Benjamin Yat-sen or the base commandant would have validated such an erroneous conspiracy. The indictment was a sham. Now I'm going to cite transcripts so, to make this more interactive, the public can investigate and confirm in real time what I'm saying via PACER, which is called public access. This call is from a federal prison.
Speaker 1:The public can reinvestigate, according to PACER, what I'm saying, which means public access to court electronic records. Okay, the information. I was indicted in the Southern District of Florida under the United States District Court under criminal case 106-CR-20758-CharlieMikeAlpha CMA. Now anything can be found upon a docket sheet once it's cited. That is the heart of how anybody can track anyone's case.
Speaker 1:The government essentially used alleged victims to prove a conspiracy. Docket entry 592, page 8 states, and I quote we have five victims that are going to come in and testify. They were tortured and there's a conspiracy to torture them to keep Charles Tell in power. End quote Commentary. To rely on alleged victims to prove a conspiracy is not proof of a conspiracy at all. A total of nine agents testified. None could independently corroborate this conspiracy. No Liberian government documents. No Liberian official provided deposition testimony. No affidavits. This was an indictment of alleged victims' words against mine. Clearly not the way to prosecute the first torture case in United States history.
Speaker 1:My defense counsel says something that's very interesting and I feel is pertinent to what I'm sharing with you all. He said this in documentary 636, page 103, and I quote if something happens tomorrow on foreign soil and the FBI is asked to respond, they send people over there, they gather evidence immediately, they take statements immediately and people who are involved are independent observers and they begin and they bring that back here. Maybe a case like that you could hear and make sense of, but not this case, not this case. This happened in liberia in 1999 and 02, with the trial in 2008. This case is warped, it is disfig. Because of that, your response in that situation cannot be no, let's give the government a break. It has to be no, let's try harder, let's make sure we get it right. End quote my commentary To pursue a case six years after supposed allegations under prosecutorial misconduct, disregarding the Department of Justice Criminal Resource Manual no 20 guidelines, undermined due process.
Speaker 1:From the beginning, the judge in the case aids the government ensuring the jury did not address the conspiracy, which requires two or more Docket, entry 600, page 122. The court states, and I quote I don't think it's a problem that we tell them not to speculate about something. They're just told that it's not their concern. The court goes on to state I think it's a fair instruction. It's not one I would customarily give because I don't think the party's ever proposed it and it's not in our standard instructions, but it's a correct statement. They're not to speculate on who else is not here, the who else is not here. They were referring to those co-conspirators that couldn't have been indicted because they were neither US citizens nor found in the United States. The jury was instructed to include—was not instructed to include the two or more requirement as proof of a conspiracy. It is not enough to say that three people did something. Evidence from co-conspirators, testimony documents, audio are needed to prove a conspiracy. That did not happen. End of part one.
Speaker 1:Part two During the trial the government had defense witnesses' families intimidated to deter them from testifying on my behalf. My defense counsel states, and I quote, docket entry 594, page 4. Interviewing our witnesses, quite a few said they had called their families in Liberia One way or the other. Their families had been harassed, threatened because our witnesses had come to testify at Chuckie Taylor's trial. No one has been physically hurt yet, but some have had to leave home. They are in hiding. One witness told me a list of our witnesses' names showed up in the hands of the Liberian National Police. I contacted the government about this over the week and they gave me the name of the Liberian National Police. I contacted the government about this over the week and they gave me the name of the Liberian National Police Officer. Docket entry 600, page 81,. Defense counsel states, and I quote good afternoon your honor judge. We have not been able to locate two witnesses. I would like to put on the record a request. The two gentlemen are Alexander Zina and Jacob Madiv. We've interviewed both of these men in Liberia. They gave us relevant exculpatory evidence concerning our client. We brought them here along with other witnesses Shortly after witnesses arrived, some of them, not these two gentlemen in particular. Shortly after witnesses arrived, some of them not these two gentlemen in particular began receiving information from Liberia that some of the witnesses' families had been threatened and harassed because they had come to testify on Chuckie Taylor's trial. End quote Commentary Overzealous prosecutors deepened the misconduct by providing the Liberian National Police a copy of the defense witness list to have the people who came to America intimidated and frightened to testify in providing exculpatory evidence by having their families eventually beaten, stabbed, if not outrightly shot.
Speaker 1:This was designed to gain an unfair advantage at trial shot. This was designed to gain an unfair advantage at trial. The government became concerned when the witness list of some 18 to 19 persons came to testify on my behalf. The question becomes why would the prosecution give the Liberian government that was under the control of Ellen Johnson Salif, a longtime political opponent of President Charles Taylor, the person who requested for President Charles Taylor's extradition from Nigeria to face charges before the criminal court, except to gain an unfair advantage by crippling the defense counsel? The witness list had to have been released to the government because they demanded it prior to trial and they knowingly turned it over to a hostile government in Liberia. The government engineered. Continued commentary. The government engineered a guilty verdict, with the judge providing the cover.
Speaker 1:I'd like to move on to the witnesses because in my Acosta interview he doubted the validity of this conviction and he sought to render the impression that everything stated by witnesses was absolutely true. And I have this to say All of the witnesses had a motive to exaggerate the facts, in some cases outrightly lie. I challenge any objective trial attorney and seasoned jurist to read the trial transcripts of victims' testimony. In my case you will find at least 40% was beyond what is plausible or realistic. Find at least 40% was beyond what is plausible or realistic. 40% goes way beyond the 10% margin of error, which means the testimony was engineered. Some of this 40% is simply scientifically impossible. And I'll repeat some of this 40% is simply scientifically impossible. I want to exercise restraint from calling any names as not to provide detractors fuel information, but I will say the trial transcripts are available on PASA.
Speaker 1:Several individuals lied on their asylum applications to gain priority on getting asylum. Normally the way that it goes and the hustle. Normally the way that it goes and the hustle. The more severe the story and the more prominent people's names involved in a country, the more serious your claim is taken. Everyone in the immigrant community uses this card when available. You know, and not to digress, I had an old chick that I was smashing back in Liberia during the war. She inevitably used my name.
Speaker 1:This call is from a federal prison. She inevitably used my name, and I had no problem with her doing so, because I understood the hardship that was in Liberia. She's in Europe now, and so this is a common tactic that's normally applied, and I want to go on Interesting Ex-mayor Lori Lightfoot of Chicago represented a victim in a criminal case. Foot of Chicago represented a victim in the criminal case.
Speaker 1:Apparently, vamoya was Cromart's nephew, a rebel leader who fought then rebel leader Charles Taylor, who fought during the Civil War. This was a man who contracted HIV and fled to America to obtain life-saving treatment after infecting dozens of women in Liberia, leaving a trail of destruction. All of this Lori Lightfoot was more than likely aware of. He used my name and President Taylor's name to get asylum and this is very important for the audience to understand. All of the witnesses received a $5,000 check from the DOJ, the prosecutor's office, under a program called EWAP E-W-A-P, I believe it stands for Emergency Witness Assistance Program. This is about $40,000 Liberian dollars, which is about three years' salary. So people were literally paid to come and testify at my trial. So we have prosecutors that committed several acts of misconduct to secure this conviction. One, they went outside of DOJ guidelines, misapplied the statute against me, committed fraud, violated my constitutional rights. Two, they tied the defense hands, hindering the investigation under a highly restricted protective order, depriving defense from using victims' names to get to the truth. During their few times they went to Liberia, no more than two. Three had defense witnesses' families intimidated, harassed, stabbed, beaten, beaten, if not shot, during the course of this trial. Four, placing me in a one-man conspiracy. Five manipulating jury instructions.
Speaker 1:In relation to the conspiracy count. It is illegal under 28 usc 530B for any prosecutor to do the following things A prosecutor cannot A conceal or knowingly fail to disclose that which he or she is required by law to reveal. B knowingly use purgent testimony or false evidence. C knowingly make a false statement of law or fact. B it is unprofessional conduct for a prosecutor to institute or cause to be instituted or to perform the continued pendency of criminal charges when it is known that the charges are not supported by probable cause. E A lawyer shall not knowingly offer evidence that the lawyer knows to be false. If a lawyer has offered material evidence and comes to know of its falsity, the lawyer shall take remedial measures under ABA rule of professional conduct 3.3. This did not happen.
Speaker 1:I blew trial and received a ninety nine I mean a 97-year sentence and I went to trials based on principle. Post-trial years later I filed a Freedom of Information Act asking the DOJ to provide the evidence used to prove I violated a conspiracy count the conspiracy count. After a year they released documents under FOIA FOIA-2016-02166. The records were non-responsive to my request. I appeal and I state the records released are non-responsive to my request. In other words, no evidence from the child transcripts have been provided to prove where a conspiracy was committed.
Speaker 1:I go on to state the FOIA request is directly connected to a substantive due process violation and misconduct by prosecution. In essence, the FOIA release provided no evidence from the trial record that supported a guilty verdict. I was denied by the OIP. Now the OIP is a body that is intended to receive any appeals when there's an objection to a release of FOIA. I received the DOJ appeal number under the Office of Information Policy, doj number DOJ-AP-2017-005286. In the first paragraph it stated you appeal the action of the Executive Office of United States Attorneys on your Freedom of Information Act request for access to records located in the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida concerning co-conspirators in your criminal case and evidence relied on to prove violations of 18 USC 2340 AC conspiracy to commit torture. They go on to state the records, excuse me. They go on to state I have determined that the EOUSA response was correct and that it concluded an adequate, reasonable search for reasons. This call is from a federal prison.
Speaker 1:Guarding your request for notification to an investigatory body that handles misconduct by prosecutors, as well as a notification to the Attorney General's Office on the violation of access to information pursuant to the FOIA and the Privacy Act of 1974 by the Justice Department. This office does not have the authority to review or assist you in any criminal case. I regret that I cannot be of any further assistance. Moving on, after I received this denial, I decided to write a letter directly to the AG's office. At that time I submitted a letter and a package to the Attorney General and I was assigned a mail referral number, number 386-4474. This was intended to get an investigation launched based upon misconduct by attorneys involved in the case. Nine months of no action, I moved on. I proceeded to file at 2241. A writ of habeas corpus based upon a FOIA bringing new evidence previously unavailable in relation to a 4001A violation. It was a long litigation. I was denied, but there was something that came out that was very interesting by the response from alternative prosecutors. They say this While the petition could be liberally read to assert that information recently obtained through FOIA requests allegedly shows evidence that petitioner is wrongfully convicted, the allegation is not properly brought pursuant to 2241. So what happens is this during the court process, courts are known to use procedural bars in order to avoid addressing the merits of this case. I had gone through extensive litigation. I had exercised almost every available avenue being a pro se inmate because I had received no help from anywhere out in the world and they knew very well that I had already filed any possible remedy under what is called a second or successive petition under newly discovered evidence or successive petition under newly discovered evidence. I was stonewalled, and I have been and was stonewalled in every district court that I filed paperwork in. My only hope now is a clemency or a pardon from President Trump. If I don't receive that, I will die in prison. Thank you, hello, lfbg. This is part three to the legal analysis that I provided earlier, and I just want to say this After years of study, reading multiple books, I finally feel like I have a coherent theory as to what really happened.
Speaker 1:As to what really happened and here it is, here's my analysis I feel like prosecutors implemented techniques of gray and black propaganda, which is also called covert propaganda. Covert propaganda refers to information, ideas, symbolic actions whose sponsors remain unknown. Covert propaganda can be black, well-hidden, or gray, disseminated with a thin veil of cover. Propaganda itself may be truthful or intentionally false. Gray propaganda hides its source from the uninitiated public, but not from the sophisticated observers, and this is essentially what happened to me. Over the years, I became a sophisticated observer through in-depth study and reading. I've become an avid reader during my time in prison. So the source that I got this from is from a book called Dirty Tricks of Trump Cards US Covert Action and Counterintelligence by Roy Godson. He's actually one of my favorite authors and he teaches at a university I believe Georgetown in relation to this subject, a well-tenured professor. He goes on to state most covert propaganda now is aimed at the mass media formerly the print media by increasingly the electronic media as well. And I'll repeat this again Most covert propaganda now is aimed at the mass media formerly the print media, but increasingly the electronic media as well.
Speaker 1:Sometimes governments set up newspapers or acquire controlling interests in them, an expensive and usually transparent mechanism. A more common tactic is to persuade journalists to carry gray or black propaganda by providing them informational money. The interested party may actually deliver the text of the message to the journalist. However, most journalists often better writers than them operatives resist such crude manipulation and prefer to write up their own stories using an outline. The governments or government employ the techniques before, during and after trial, and with the media, specifically within the well-placed article by a journalist named Johnny Dwyer.
Speaker 1:Many who have followed my case will know that in 2008, the Rolling Stones actually published a story a month before I went to trial, called the American Warlord. Proof of it being a propaganda piece was the front page of the article has my face plastered on a well-known photo of then-Rebel leader Charles Taylor in a fatigued uniform holding an AK-47. The picture was literally doctored All right, so the entire trial had the hallmarks of an intelligence information operation. The entire trial had the hallmarks of an intelligence information operation. So the reason why I wanted to share this with the LFTG audience is this I wanted to underscore how important it is for podcasts and outfits that are emerging to be an alternative voice to the legacy media. When I saw what happened to President Trump, it was a classic operation, and so I'm an independent.
Speaker 1:I'm not a Republican or Democrat. The truth is the truth for me. I'm a strategist, not an activist. I believe in results. I'm results orientated, but it was classic because I saw it play out in my instance, it's just that I lack it play out. In my instance, it's just that I lacked the resources, the timing of the indict itself, strategically placed in the media that was taking its truth and fact all of that time to produce an effect. This was the essence of propaganda. So when you hear fake news, there is some validity to that, because I've lived it, I'm enduring it right now, I've gotten a life sentence for it, and these people want me to die in jail. Without your help, without this LFTG audience supporting a changeorg petition that I can attach toa clemency or pardon papers, I'm going to die in prison.
Speaker 1:I have a major contribution to make on both sides of the continent, everything from social theories on a concept I have called self-oppression to inventions, business ideas, you name it. Yet I languish based upon something that wasn't done, and I'm going to have critics that say well, you know he had to have done something. Well, that's not how the law works. The government is the most well-resourced government on the planet Billions of dollars available to them. They're supposed to bring forward cases that they can prove, not manufacture, and that's what happened in my case. Lftg is a very important site. In fact, I was told from a good friend that the Alphabet Boys actually came to see bro, and I'm not surprised because the truth is being spoken.
Speaker 1:But that's needed right now. That's needed right now. No legacy media would have provided me the ability to do what I'm doing right now. I was shut down in every instance. I just wrote the wall street journal. No, because my theory can't prove it technically, but most in the journalistic community that hear my story already understand that this was a hit job. Nobody wants to undo a hit job because the way journalists work, they get a lot of their stories from government officials, prosecutors. Nobody wants to be blackballed in receiving sources and information, but because they do so, they're also subject to disinformation. This is how it works. But I don't want to go too deep because it's better for me to be underestimated than overestimated. But listen, I want to thank everybody now and hopefully in the future. This call is from a federal prison.
Speaker 1:Thank everybody now and in the future who will potentially support this, but understand this. Lftg is respected by the men in here and I plan on passing this information on to good men for them to be able to get their stories out to. Thank you.
